Universität Bonn
 

Institutionen-Mapping und Bibliographie zu
„Staatsversagen und Good Governance“

Institutional Mapping and Bibliography
on State Failure and Good Governance


7. Internationale Think Tanks und NGOs

7.1.1. European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM), Maastricht

7.1.2. Fund for Peace (FfP), Washington

7.1.3. Global Policy Forum (GPF), New York

7.1.4. Global Witness, London

7.1.5. International Alert (IA), London

7.1.6. International Crisis Group (ICG), Brussels

7.1.7. International Peace Academy (IPA), New York

7.1.8. National Democratic Institute (NDI), Washington

7.1.9. Pax Christi Niederlande, Utrecht

7.1.10. SaferWorld, London

7.1.11. Wilton Park, Steyning/West Sussex



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7.1.1. European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM), Maastricht

Kurzbeschreibung:

ECPDM has two long-term strategic objectives: 1. to enhance the capacity of public and private actors in developing countries, and 2. to improve cooperation between development partners in Europe and the ACP region. Focus is on the Cotonou Agreement. In particular, the organisation aims to contribute to the mainstreaming of the non-state actors' participation in the formulation and implementation of ACP-EU cooperation. The process recognises the legitimate role of central and local governments and the need for improved cooperation between state and non-state actors. It has collaborated with IA on a project on “EU Responses towards Politically Fragile Countries” (see for details). Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Links:

http://www.ecdpm.org/Web_ECDPM/Web/Content/Navigation.nsf/index.htm

Kooperation mit:

IA (7.1.5.)


7.1.2. Fund for Peace (FfP), Washington

Projekt: Conflict Prevention and Recovery Program: An Analytical Model of Internal Conflict and State Collapse

Kurzbeschreibung:

Clear analysis of shifting internal dynamics, especially in areas of conflict, is difficult in today's fast-paced world. Will Indonesia stabilize? Is Russia heading for state collapse? Will Montenegro be the next Kosovo? Is Zimbabwe about to implode?
Whether trying to make decisions about business investments or military intervention in a country, decide on the best use of limited organizational resources among competing alternatives, or anticipate and assess the potential for conflict, there is a need to know what is happening on the ground and to evaluate that information in a systematic and coherent way.
The Fund for Peace analytical model of internal conflict and state collapse enables analysts and decision-makers to have a broader and deeper understanding of the complicated interaction within a given society and to measure progress over time. It provides the concrete conceptual and analytical skills needed for an integrated and practical approach. It also offers a methodology to anticipate, assess and manage conflict situations. And it develops analysts' capacity for both conflict early warning and assessment of recovery for informed decision-making.
The model provides a common methodology, indicators and measures of breakdown and recovery, operational guidelines, and warnings about unanticipated events that can disrupt a peace process or cause instability. The methodology includes four principal components: 1.) The conceptual framework, which tracks a conflict through five stages 2.) Twelve top indicators of internal conflict and state collapse 3.) Suggested measures, or data, to evaluate those indicators 4.) A definable standard of determining "sustainable security" in a country at risk.
These components promote unity of effort, interagency coordination, clarity of mission and measures of effectiveness for achieving the central objective of creating "sustainable security." This can be the basis for developing a military "exit strategy," a business "entry strategy" or a governmental or multinational "reconstruction strategy."
The FFP model may be used at any point in the life cycle of a conflict -- before, during, and after violence -- and by any organization involved in intervention. It may be used in complex organizations -- multinational alliances (e.g., NATO), international organizations (e.g., the Organization of African Unity), or interagency task forces (e.g. Military Force on Bosnia or Kosovo) -- to better coordinate various actors involved in a common mission to compare different situations within a region. It helps to build stronger assessment skills that are essential to decision-makers in an age of globalization and information overload.
The Fund for Peace offers software development, staff training, and individual country assessments using its copyrighted, original methodology. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Ansprechpartner:

Pauline H. Baker

Publikationen:

Baker, Pauline H., 2003: Conflict Resolution: A Methodology for Assessing Internal Collapse and Recovery, in: Pumphrey, Carolyn/Rye Schwartz-Barcott (Hg.), 2003:Armed Conflict in Africa. Lanham, MD and Oxford: Triangle Institute for Strategic Studies/The Scarecrow Press
http://www.fundforpeace.org/publications/reports/methodology-chapter.pdf.
Pauline/Angelie E. Weller, n.a.: An Analytical Model of Internal Conflict and State Collapse: Manual for Practitioners, in, (n.a.).

Links:

http://www.fundforpeace.org/programs/cpr/cpr.php


7.1.3. Global Policy Forum (GPF), New York
Kurzbeschreibung:

Global Policy Forum monitors policy making at the United Nations, promotes accountability of global decisions, educates and mobilizes for global citizen participation, and advocates on vital issues of international peace and justice. It runs research and information services in four relevant areas:
1.) State Sovereignty and the Global Economy (under Statehood and Sovereignty): Global and transnational forces increasingly usurp the power of states to determine their own fiscal and economic policies. Some countries peg their currency to the dollar to maintain exchange rate stability, but dollarization eliminates the possibility of independent national monetary policy and exposes countries to policies set in Washington. In the interest of attracting foreign investment, some states set up Export Processing Zones that turn sovereignty over to corporate investors, undermining national tax and regulatory systems.
2.) State Sovereignty and Corruption (under Statehood and Sovereignty): Corruption and money laundering drain states of billions of dollars every year, lining the pockets of officials, business leaders, and the already super-rich, leaving less revenue for social and economic services. Systematic official corruption runs rampant in many countries, often leaving citizens in poverty. Wealthy individuals and corporations evade taxes, which could be used for social programs, by setting up accounts in tax havens.
3.) Failed States (under “States, Nations, and Civil Society”): Failed states can no longer perform basic state functions such as education, security, or governance, usually due to fractious violence or extreme poverty. Within this power vacuum, people fall victim to competing factions and crime. Sometimes the United Nations or neighboring states intervene to prevent a humanitarian disaster.
4.) Emerging States and Unrepresented Peoples (under “States, Nations, and Civil Society”): Ethnic or religious minorities, living in states that provide them little or no official representation or rights, sometimes feel that violence may be their only recourse. Unrepresented peoples also have few international forums at which to appeal - states dominate even the United Nations. Some separatist movements succeed, and people establish or regain their own state. But once independence is gained, the good life does not necessarily begin. Other minorities may, in turn, be disregarded or oppressed in the new emerging state. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Publikationen:

Greaves, Harry A. (Jr.), 2001: Five Principles of Good Governance, in: Perspective, (03.07.2001 2001), S. 7.

Links:

http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/soverindex.htm,
http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/sovereign/civindex.htm


7.1.4. Global Witness, London
Kurzbeschreibung:

Global Witness is one of few non-governmental investigative organisations working to expose the link between natural resource exploitation and human rights abuses. We operate in areas where environmentally destructive trade is funding conflict or human rights violations. We collect the evidence and use it to achieve long-term change.
Global Witness believes that in many cases, the environment is linked to the seemingly separate issues of poverty, conflict and human rights. Too often, reconstruction and development of countries emerging from long periods of conflict is hindered by extensive corruption. Individuals or organisations that carry out illegal trade in natural resources are depriving the country's Treasury from receiving much-needed revenue, and as a result, the country remains unstable. This instability makes it easier for the perpetrators of the corruption to continue to exploit the country's resources for their own personal gain, and has a direct correlation to human rights abuses. The people often suffer from intimidation, poverty and deprivation.
Revenue from trade in natural resources is a major source of funding of conflict and human rights abuses, and this link is central to Global Witness' work. We seek to gather and disseminate information regarding environmental exploitation and its social, ecological and economic effects, in order that the links are understood by those who are in a position to effect positive change. Targets for Global Witness' information include governments, NGOs, international donors, development organisations, the media and the general public. Global Witness aims to 1.) Obtain first-hand information and evidence documenting the issue and utilize vigorous campaigning techniques to achieve real and effective change; 2.) Change current corporate and government practices that result in an unregulated exploitation of resources, with an often-devastating impact on people and national/regional stability; 3.) Break the links between the exploitation of natural resources and the funding of conflict and corruption. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Publikationen:

Pasqua, Charles/Jean-Charles Marchiani, 2002: All the Presidents' Men. The devastating story of oil and banking in Angola's privatised war. Global Witness.

Links:

http://www.globalwitness.org/


7.1.5. International Alert (IA), London

Projekt: EU Responses towards Politically Fragile Countries

Kurzbeschreibung:

International Alert is an independent, international non-governmental organisation that works through capacity building, mediation and dialogue, with regional programmes in Africa, the Caucasus and Central, South and South East Asia, to help build lasting peace in countries and communities affected or threatened by violent conflict. In particular, it has covered EU responses towards politically fragile countries and the Cotonou Agreement. A two year research programme, led in the first phase at headquarters of the major Development and Humanitarian Agencies present in conflict affected countries. 6 countries case-studies were carried out in Burundi, Congo DRC, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan. The study was funded by Sweden, Belgium and Portugal, and conducted in collaboration with ECDPM. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Publikationen:

Gomes, Sophie da Câmara Santa Clara/Andrew Sherriff/Terhi Lehtinen/Jean Bossuyt, 2001: The EU’s Response to Conflict Affected Countries. Operational Guidance for the Implementation of the Cotonou Agreement. ECDPM Discussion Paper 31, July 2001. International Alert/ECDPM, http://www.international-alert.org/pdf/pubII/EU_response.pdf (Zugriff am 31.08.2004).

Links:

http://www.international-alert.org/

Kooperation mit:

ECDPM (7.1.1.)


7.1.6. International Crisis Group (ICG), Brussels
Kurzbeschreibung:

The International Crisis Group (ICG) is an independent, non-profit, multinational organisation, with over 100 staff members on five continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict. ICG’s approach is grounded in field research. Teams of political analysts are located within or close by countries at risk of outbreak, escalation or recurrence of violent conflict. Based on information and assessments from the field, ICG produces regular analytical reports containing practical recommendations targeted at key international decision-takers. ICG also publishes CrisisWatch, a 12-page monthly bulletin, providing a succinct regular update on the state of play in all the most significant situations of conflict or potential conflict around the world.
ICG’s countless reports provide detailed analysis on the cross-sections of governance, state failure, and conflict. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Links:

http://www.crisisweb.org


7.1.7. International Peace Academy (IPA), New York

Projekt: Making States Work: State Failure and the Crisis of Governance

Kurzbeschreibung:

Joint project with UNU and the International Peace Academy (New York). Builds on the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS). For details, see .

Ansprechpartner:

Michael Ignatieff (Director, Professor of the Practice of Human Rights Policy), Simon Chesterman (Senior Associate), Sebastian von Einsiedel (Program Officer)

Publikationen:

see 6.1.18.

Links:

http://www.ipacademy.org/

Kooperation mit:

J.F. Kennedy School of Government (6.1.11.), UNU (6.1.18.)


Projekt: State Building

Kurzbeschreibung:

From Bosnia to Haiti, the international community is increasingly involved in operations that seek to build or re-build the institutions of a state. International interventions – ranging from UN transitional administrations in Kosovo and East Timor, to complex peace-building missions in Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, to US-led attempts to install democracy in Iraq – have met with mixed success. Yet these types of interventions are undeniably becoming more common, particularly in light of a growing recognition that failing or failed states are uniquely vulnerable to exploitation by radical groups or likely to serve as breeding grounds for international terrorist networks.
In considering the legitimacy and effectiveness of international state-building efforts, some universal challenges emerge: 1.) There is surprisingly little clarity about the nature of the state sought to be built, and how success should be measured. Since the ends being pursued are ill defined, the means employed are often inconsistent, inappropriate, and inadequate. 2.) Creating a stable democracy is a complex, difficult, and lengthy task. It is essential that the international community consider what realistically can be achieved. Should less ambitious aims, such as ensuring that some minimum standards are respected that fall short of full-fledged liberalism, or simply making peace in a troubled territory, be pursued instead? 3.) State-building attempts to date have been seriously undermined by a lack of strategic planning prior to intervention and lack of understanding of the local context in which state-building efforts will be undertaken. Once underway, operational challenges such as lack of coordination, failure to provide security, and failure to understand the highly political nature of the transition, present new obstacles to success. The international community must learn from the failures of the past and strive to ensure that future operations are not doomed to repeat the same mistakes.
In examining these challenges and the lessons learned from previous state-building experiences, this program considers the legitimacy, effectiveness, and sustainability of international attempts (and particularly UN efforts) at state-building. As used in this context, the term “state-building” covers a wide range of international involvement directed at stabilizing a state or (re)building the institutions of a state. These include, but are not limited to: capacity building in governance, rule of law, and elections; the provision and reform of the security apparatus; and reform of the economic sector.
The goals of the State-Building Program are: 1.) to transform the discussion on state-building from ad hoc responses to a principled, strategic approach emphasizing the long-term stability of the state and its capacity to protect and govern its population; 2.) to examine the effectiveness of various strategies with respect to their appropriateness and sustainability after UN involvement in a particular situation diminishes or ceases; 3.) to expand the tools available when dealing with such crises; and 4.) to improve planning for future state-building missions.
The work for this program is being conducted through field research and consultations that brings the best minds to bear on examining how the UN can and should engage in state-building programs. IPA will seek to influence UN policy in both headquarters and the field, as well as how UN actions are perceived in the broader community.
The primary products of the research will be a series of three IPA Policy Reports, directed at the senior levels of the United Nations and the Missions of Member States and launched at a working-lunch Policy Forum. A series of three specialist meetings on state-building will gather 20–25 professionals and academics to advance research and analysis of state-building activities. Two of these meetings will be conducted in the field, enabling a genuine dialogue between four important constituencies: academics, policy-makers, field representatives, and local actors. A Final Report will evaluate the success of the program, summarize recommendations, and outline future strategies for policy development and dissemination. Extensive dissemination activities will ensure that the report reaches its target audience in the UN. This will be complemented by the publication of an edited volume aimed at a more general audience, including diplomats, academics, and non-governmental organizations.
The expected outcomes of the program are twofold. First, the program will help senior UN personnel focus on the larger institutional and normative implications of the responsibility to protect. Coming from outside (but very close to) the UN, such an approach by an organization like IPA is often more effective than an internal “lessons learned” analysis. Second, the program will create networks of specialists who can be drawn upon in state-building activities. Importantly, this will include individuals from “recipient states” who will develop standards for the appropriateness and sustainability of UN strategies and hold the UN to account for its policies.
Runs March 2003-June 2005. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Ansprechpartner:

Kirsti Samuels, Vanessa Hawkins

Links:

http://www.ipacademy.org/Programs/Research/
ProgReseState-Building_body.htm


7.1.8. National Democratic Institute (NDI), Washington

Projekt: Democratic Governance Programm

Kurzbeschreibung:

The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) views the development of democratic governance as a critical component of its mission. NDI’s governance programs seek to promote effective public sector institutions and processes that operate in a manner consistent with democratic values of transparency, representation, pluralism and accountability. By improving governance institutions and processes, NDI seeks to ensure that progress in other areas of democratic development, such as elections, citizen participation and political party building, is effectively translated into improvements in government action. It is through improved governance that the benefits of democratic development most directly impact lives of citizens. Conversely, the inability of public sector institutions to function effectively and democratically can undermine the sustainability of democratic reform.
NDI’s democratic governance programming emphasizes the political dimension of democratic governance within four main practice areas: Constitutional Reform, Legislative Development, Local Government, Public Integrity. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Ansprechpartner:

K. Scott Hubli (Senior Advisor for Governance Programs), Alicia Phillips Mandaville (Governance Program Officer)

Publikationen:
Links:

http://www.ndi.org/globalp/gov/governance.asp


7.1.9. Pax Christi Niederlande, Utrecht

Projekt: World Map of Failing States 2004

Kurzbeschreibung:

Die Organisation hat eine „World Map of Failing States 2004“ entwickelt und deren Präsentation mit einem Handlungsappell an die zuständige Ministerin für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit verbunden. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Links:

http://www.passievoorvrede.nl/upload/worldmap/
040513_kaart_failing_states.pdf


7.1.10. SaferWorld, London

Arms Proliferation and Tackling weak and failing states

Kurzbeschreibung:

In the past the international community has tended to isolate or ignore these ‘weak and failing states’ in an attempt to encourage change. However the cases of Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have shown that such an approach can have catastrophic consequences. As a result, the UK Government, along with some other EU member states, the US and many key multilateral institutions including the OSCE and World Bank, have decided to pay particular attention to addressing the complex issue of how to build stability and security in weak and failing states.
Many states are unable or unwilling to support their populations. This includes strong repressive governments such as those in Burma, Zimbabwe or North Korea and countries where for various external and internal reasons states are weak or have collapsed, as is the case in Somalia. Countries with nonfunctioning or non-existent state structures can create, exacerbate and perpetuate violent conflict, increase poverty and inequality and provide a haven for and/or actively participate in, organised crime, corruption, weapons transfers and terrorist activities. At the UK level, the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit in the Cabinet Office and the Department for International Development are in the process of undertaking research and developing strategies. Saferworld and the Institute of Public Policy Research (ippr) have written a joint report for the Cabinet Office on arms proliferation in countries suffering instability, with a particular focus on Africa. The report offers a detailed insight into the types of weapons being used, the source countries for these weapons, the factors that are facilitating their transfer and the political economy constraints to the adoption of a more restrictive UK arms export policy. It highlights that arms accelerate the negative trends inherent in state failure such as economic stagnation, corruption, misguided or demagogic leadership, and decaying national infrastructure. Furthermore, arms proliferation can exacerbate and make more destructive existing conflicts or conflicts that result from state failure or collapse. The report puts forward a number of policy recommendations for consideration by the UK Government that could be promoted in Prime Minister Blair’s Commission for Africa and during the UK Presidency of the G8 and the EU in 2005. Quelle: Saferworld Update 35 (June) 2004, p.8, http://www.saferworld.org.uk/Update%2035.pdf (22.07.2004)

Links:

http://www.saferworld.org.uk/

Kooperation mit:

ippr (6.1.12.)


7.1.11. Wilton Park, Steyning/West Sussex
Kurzbeschreibung:

Am 18. Juli 2004 hat "Wilton Park”, eine akademisch unabhängige EInrichtung des britischen Außenministeriums, in Brüssel eine Konferenz zu „Global Europe: Testing the Limits of Europe's Common Security Strategy“ abgehalten. Eines der Panels widmete sich dem Thema „Can Europe Achieve an effective Policy on failing states?“, an dem u.a. Ian Abbott (Chief Policy and Plans Division, Europäischer Rat, Brüssel) teilnahm. Quelle: Website (s.u.)

Publikationen:

Bericht wird erscheinen unter: http://www.wiltonpark.org.uk/web/papers/papers.asp

Links:

http://www.wiltonpark.org.uk/web/conferences/wrapper.asp?confref=WP760